Cannabis Use in Sufi Orders
How hashish became entwined with medieval Islamic mysticism, what the primary sources actually say, and where the legends diverge from history.
Sufis really did use hashish, and medieval Arabic sources are unusually frank about it. But the romantic image of a unified 'cannabis mysticism' is overstated. Use was concentrated in certain orders, particularly antinomian dervish groups, and it was controversial within Sufism itself. Much of what English-language cannabis culture 'knows' about Sufis and hashish traces back to a handful of 19th- and 20th-century Orientalist retellings of one medieval poem by Ibn al-A'mā al-Fuqqā'ī and a contested origin story about Haydar.
What the primary sources actually say
The single most cited medieval source is the Egyptian historian Taqī al-Dīn al-Maqrīzī (d. 1442), whose topographical history of Egypt, al-Mawā'iẓ wa-al-i'tibār fī dhikr al-khiṭaṭ wa-al-āthār (commonly the Khiṭaṭ), contains an extended section on hashish. Al-Maqrīzī attributes the introduction of cannabis to Sufis to Shaykh Ḥaydar, a 12th–13th-century ascetic of Khorasan, founder of the Ḥaydariyya order [1][2].
According to al-Maqrīzī's account, Ḥaydar discovered the plant while wandering in the mountains, noticed its effect on his mood, and shared it with his disciples on condition they keep it secret from non-Sufis. This story is the source of nearly every later 'Haydar legend' retold in Western cannabis literature Disputed. Al-Maqrīzī was writing roughly 200 years after Ḥaydar's death, drawing on earlier Arabic sources now lost or fragmentary, and he himself is skeptical of parts of the tale [1].
Other important medieval sources include the jurist Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328), who polemicized against hashish use among dervishes [3], and the poet Ibn al-A'mā al-Fuqqā'ī, whose hashish poems were collected and discussed by later anthologists. The most thorough modern reconstruction of this material is Franz Rosenthal's The Herb: Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society (1971), which translates and analyzes dozens of Arabic primary sources [2].
Which orders, and what they actually did
Cannabis use was not uniform across Sufism. It clustered in specific milieus:
- The Ḥaydariyya, founded by Quṭb al-Dīn Ḥaydar in Khorasan (modern northeastern Iran), are the order most consistently linked to hashish in medieval sources [1][2].
- The Qalandariyya, a loose antinomian dervish movement that spread from Iran to Anatolia and India in the 13th–14th centuries, were widely accused of hashish use along with other deliberate violations of social norms (shaved heads and eyebrows, iron rings, public nudity) [2][4].
- Some Rifā'iyya and later Bektashi circles in Anatolia and the Balkans have been associated with cannabis or other intoxicants, though the evidence is thinner and more anecdotal [4] Weak / limited.
The mainstream sober orders — the Qādiriyya, Naqshbandiyya, Shādhiliyya, and the Mevlevis associated with Rūmī — generally did not endorse hashish, and many of their masters explicitly condemned it. The popular Western claim that 'the Sufis used cannabis to reach mystical states' flattens a real internal debate into a slogan Disputed.
Legal and theological controversy
Cannabis posed a problem for Islamic jurists because the Qur'anic prohibition on khamr (wine) does not name it. Early jurists debated whether hashish counted as an intoxicant (muskir) and therefore fell under the wine prohibition, or as a 'corruptor of mind' (mufsid lil-'aql) under a separate category, or was permissible.
By the 14th century the dominant position across the Sunni schools was prohibition. Ibn Taymiyya argued hashish was worse than wine because it caused effeminacy, treachery, and neglect of prayer [3][2]. The Mālikī jurist al-Qarāfī (d. 1285) and the Shāfi'ī Ibn Ḥajar al-Haytamī (d. 1566) issued similar rulings. Penalties in various periods ranged from flogging to, in some Mamluk-era cases, pulling out the user's teeth — a punishment al-Maqrīzī records [1][2].
Despite this, hashish remained widely available. Al-Maqrīzī describes specific Cairo gardens (notably the 'Garden of Cafour') where it was cultivated and sold, and reports repeated, ineffective government crackdowns [1].
How the Haydar legend reached the West
Most Western readers encounter the Sufi-hashish connection through a chain that runs: al-Maqrīzī → Silvestre de Sacy's 1809 French translation and commentary → 19th-century European Orientalists and the Club des Hashischins → 20th-century cannabis writers like Ernest Abel and Martin Booth [5][6].
At each step the story got tidier and more romantic. Silvestre de Sacy, working in the context of Napoleon's Egyptian campaign, used the Ḥaydariyya and the related (and largely unrelated) Nizārī Ismā'īlīs to construct his famous — and now largely rejected — etymology linking 'assassin' to 'hashish' [5] Disputed. That conflation has poisoned popular understanding ever since, blending genuine Sufi hashish culture with a sensationalized story about political murder cults that the primary sources do not actually support [5][2].
The upshot: when a modern cannabis blog says 'Sufis used hashish to commune with God,' the underlying source is almost always al-Maqrīzī filtered through Silvestre de Sacy. It is not wrong, but it is one 15th-century Egyptian historian's account of a 12th-century Khorasani shaykh, repackaged repeatedly.
What we don't know
Several things often stated confidently are actually uncertain:
- Whether Ḥaydar was a real historical individual as described, or a composite figure around whom the cannabis-origin story crystallized Disputed.
- Whether cannabis was used specifically as a sacrament in formal Sufi ritual (dhikr, samā'), or simply consumed by dervishes in their daily life. Primary sources describe both, but the line between 'sacramental' and 'recreational' is a modern category that maps poorly onto medieval practice Weak / limited.
- Pre-Islamic continuity. Some scholars argue Central Asian cannabis use predated Islam and was absorbed into Sufism via Khorasan; this is plausible given archaeological cannabis finds in the region [7] but the direct chain of transmission is not documented Weak / limited.
- Whether cannabis preparations were primarily eaten or smoked in this period. Pipes for smoking did not reach the Islamic world until after tobacco arrived in the late 16th century. Medieval Sufis ate hashish, often mixed into pastes or pastilles, sometimes with honey or sesame [1][2].
Legacy
The Sufi-hashish association persisted into the Ottoman period and shaped how cannabis was used and named across the Islamic world. The Persian and Turkish word esrar ('secrets'), still used for hashish in Turkey, reflects the old Ḥaydariyya injunction to keep the herb hidden from outsiders [2].
For the modern reader, the honest summary is: yes, real Sufis really did use cannabis, sometimes self-consciously as part of a religious life. No, this was not the practice of Sufism as a whole, and it was contested by Sufis themselves. And the picturesque version of the story circulating in cannabis culture today owes more to 19th-century French Orientalism than to any medieval source.
Sources
- Book Al-Maqrīzī, Taqī al-Dīn Aḥmad. al-Mawā'iẓ wa-al-i'tibār fī dhikr al-khiṭaṭ wa-al-āthār (the Khiṭaṭ), 15th century. Edited Arabic text, Bulaq edition, 1853; later critical edition by Ayman Fu'ād Sayyid, London: Al-Furqan, 2002–2004.
- Book Rosenthal, Franz. The Herb: Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971.
- Book Ibn Taymiyya, Taqī al-Dīn. Majmū' Fatāwā Shaykh al-Islām Ibn Taymiyya, vol. 34, sections on hashish and intoxicants. Compiled 14th c.; modern edition Riyadh, 1995.
- Peer-reviewed Karamustafa, Ahmet T. God's Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period, 1200–1550. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994; reissued Oneworld, 2006.
- Peer-reviewed Daftary, Farhad. The Assassin Legends: Myths of the Isma'ilis. London: I. B. Tauris, 1994.
- Book Silvestre de Sacy, Antoine Isaac. 'Mémoire sur la dynastie des Assassins, et sur l'étymologie de leur nom.' Mémoires de l'Institut Royal de France, vol. 4, 1818, pp. 1–84.
- Peer-reviewed Ren, Meng et al. 'The origins of cannabis smoking: Chemical residue evidence from the first millennium BCE in the Pamirs.' Science Advances 5, no. 6 (2019): eaaw1391.
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